Political Dynasties: Politicians Perpetuating Selves In Power Through Children
TUNDE AJAJA examines the rate at which children of top politicians and elite are dominating the political space, both for appointive and elective positions, and what it portends for the system.
In Nigeria’s political enterprise, every election season seems to come with intriguing developments, and the 2023 general elections will likely not be an exception. One striking trend that has emerged boldly in the ongoing electioneering is the number of politicians’ children seeking elective offices. The number is simply unprecedented.
Across the country, politicians would seem to be paving the way for their children, perhaps to perpetuate their family’s access to power or preserve the perks accruing to the family therefrom. Political offices in Nigeria come with huge perks, like huge salaries and allowances, state-of-the-art vehicles, severance packages and life pensions, in some cases.
As far back as 2013, a senator in the sixth National Assembly, Ayo Arise, who represented Ekiti North Senatorial District between 2007 and 2011, aptly described politics as the most lucrative job in Nigeria. This, he said, was part of the motivation for many politicians’ perpetual struggle for office.
The perks for political offices, described as one of the highest in the world, despite the country’s ailing economy and rising debt profile, explains why many politicians find it difficult to survive outside public office.
In fact, a former Speaker of the House of Representatives admitted that over 10 years since he left the Green Chamber he had been looking for what to do. The number of politicians running helter-skelter, looking for platforms to contest having lost out in their parties is another pointer.
Indeed, the quick transformation and humongous wealth accumulated by politicians in today’s Nigeria gave credence to Arise’s assertion. Meanwhile, many analysts argued that if politics in Nigeria had been about service delivery, as should have been exemplified by these politicians seeking to replace themselves with family members, Nigeria wouldn’t be on its knees as it is today.
It is worthy of note that these family members taking the place of their parents in the polity are qualified and have rights to contest such offices, but there are concerns that politicians are doing all they can to perpetuate themselves in power, oft manipulating the process against other aspirants and paving the way for their desired choice. It has also been argued that the machiavellian manipulations by politicians to ensure they or their family members retain public offices is to preserve their source of income and influence.
A look at some of these politicians seeking to make a dynasty out of Nigeria’s budding political system might help to situate the trend:
El-Rufai, Namadi Sambo and sons in Kaduna
Kaduna State, the Centre of Learning, seems like a good place to start, given the drama that played out in the state during the week. Interestingly, Bello, the son of Governor Nasir El-Rufai of Kaduna State, and Adam, the son of ex-governor of the state and former vice-president, Namadi Sambo, were in the race to represent Kaduna North Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives. While Bello won the ticket of the All Progressives Congress, Adam lost the Peoples Democratic Party ticket to a serving member, Samaila Suleiman. Meanwhile, drama ensued on Wednesday when Adam demanded a refund of the N2m he used to lobby each of the 37 delegates. Despite dolling out tens of millions to the delegates, he ended up with only two votes.
Still in Kaduna, Sadiq, the son of the convener of Northern Elders Forum, Prof Ango Abdullahi, despite being in captivity, won the Sabon Gari Federal Constituency. He was one of those abducted and still in the custody of the terrorists who attacked the train in Kaduna on March 28.
Sule Lamido’s son emerges gov candidate in Jigawa
In Jigawa State, Mustapha, the son of former governor Sule Lamido, has emerged as the governorship candidate of the PDP. The younger Lamido is in the race to defeat the ruling APC in the state and occupy the seat his father sat on for eight years. However, it remains to be seen if the incumbent, Abubakar Badaru, who is in his second term, would have the Lamidos as his predecessor and successor. Badaru was preceded by Sule in 2015.
In Delta, Ibori, Uduaghan, Okowa in similar dominance race
The race by the three former governors of Delta State to have their children in elective offices makes the current political season in Delta State interesting. It’s somewhat a case of struggling to outdo one another. In the race for the Ethiope Federal Constituency at the House of Representatives, Erhiatake Ibori-Suenu, the daughter of former governor James Ibori, the political godfather and kingmaker of Delta politics, won the PDP ticket. Meanwhile, Erhiatake is currently a member of the state House of Assembly, representing Ethiope West constituency.
Similarly, Marilyn Okowa-Daramola, the daughter of the incumbent governor, Ifeanyi Okowa, won unopposed the PDP ticket to contest the Ika North East seat in the state House of Assembly.
Meanwhile, the daughter of former governor Emmanuel Uduaghan, Orode, lost her bid to clinch the PDP ticket for Warri North in the House of Assembly. Notably, the PDP has been the ruling party in the state since 1999.
Jonathan’s attempt in Cross River
In Cross River State, Godswill Edward, the son-in-law of former President Goodluck Jonathan, was in the race to become the next governor of The People’s Paradise. He however lost the APC ticket to Senator Bassey Otu. Currently, Godswill is the Special Adviser on Sports and Cinematography to the governor, Prof Ben Ayade.
Fayose and son in Ekiti
Former governor of Ekiti State, Mr Ayo Fayose, is a man known to many people, especially with his freestyle approach to governance. After his eight years as governor, he is currently a presidential aspirant of the PDP, while one of his sons, Joju, also won the ticket for the Ekiti Central Federal Constituency I at the House of Representatives. Similarly, one of Fayose’s lieutenants and spokesperson, Lere Olayinka, won the PDP ticket for the Ekiti Central Federal Constituency II. It remains to be seen if Fayose would win the presidential ticket and his son a member of the House.
Kashamu, Osoba, Obasanjo in Ogun
In Ogun State, Olumide, the son of a former governor of the state, Chief Olusegun Osoba, who is currently the member representing Abeokuta North/Odeda/Obafemi Owode Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives, has again won the APC ticket for the third time.
Also, in the ongoing electioneering, Rasheed, the son of the late Ogun State senator, Buruji Kashamu, has secured the PDP ticket to contest the Ijebu North Constituency I in the state House of Assembly. In the same vein, a nephew to the late politician, Taiwo Shote, won the PDP ticket for the Ijebu Ode/Ijebu North-East and Odogbolu Federal Constituency at the House of Representatives.
Meanwhile, it would be incomplete not to include former President Olusegun Obasanjo on this list. His was one of the early examples. After completing his two terms as the President in 2007, sequel to his failed third term agenda, his daughter, Iyabo, was elected as a senator to represent Ogun Central. She however lost her re-election bid.
Ajimobi, Adesina, Alao-Akala doing wonders in Oyo
In Oyo State, known as the Pacesetter State, the sons of three former governors of the state have emerged as candidates in the ongoing electioneering. First, Idris, the son of late Senator Abiola Ajomobi, who was the governor between 2011 and 2019, won the APC ticket for the Ibadan South-West II seat in the state House of Assembly.
Similarly, Adedapo, the son of the late Lam-Adesina, who was the governor between 1999 and 2003, is a former member of the House of Representatives in the eighth Assembly. Having served as the commissioner for youths and sport in the state, he is currently the Special Assistant on Political Matters to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Mr Femi Gbajabiamila.
Also, Olamijuwonlo, the son of the late Adebayo Alao-Akala, once served as the chairman of Ogbomoso North Local Government Area. In 2019, his father described his reported removal by councillors as a joke.
Bafarawa and son politics in Sokoto
In Sokoto State, Sagir, the son of former governor Attahiru Bafarawa, was in the race to become the governor on the PDP platform but lost to Sa’idu Umar. After his defeat, Sagir, who is the incumbent Commissioner for Environment, has reportedly been named Umar’s running mate.
The Mu’azus in Bauchi
Another classic example is the attempt by Ahmadu, the son of a former governor of the state, Adamu Muazu, to be the governorship candidate of the PDP. He however lost to Ibrahim Kashim, an ally of the governor. Mu’azu was the governor of the state between 1999 and 2007, and he later became the chairman of the PDP, which he led to a historic defeat in 2015. Not much has been heard from the former governor since the 2015 defeat.
Murtala Nyako and son in Adamawa
Adamawa State is also not spared of politicians’ moves to ensure their family members have a direct shot at top political offices. Former governor Murtala Nyako, who was impeached in 2014 by the state House of Assembly, had one his sons, Abdul-Aziz, in the Senate between 2015 and 2019, before he defected to the African Democratic Congress to contest the governorship seat, an election he lost to incumbent Ahmadu Fintiri of the PDP. Similarly, in the state, the children of former vice-president Atiku Abubakar, have on different occasions been appointed as commissioners in the state.
The Orjis attempt at a dynasty in Abia
In Abia State, Theodore Orji, who was the governor of the state between 2007 and 2015, also has his dominance in the state’s politics. When he concluded his tenure in 2015, he retired to the senate while his son, Chinedum, was elected into the state House of Assembly. He also became the Majority Leader of the House. Re-elected in 2019, he is currently the Speaker and has now won the PDP ticket for the House of Representatives.
Jang and son in Plateau
Plateau State is also not spared of this practice by politicians. A former governor, Jonah Jang, who was in office between 2007 and 2015, like his colleagues, retired to the senate, where he was between 2015 and 2019. Now, his son, Pam Jang, was in the race to represent Jos-South/Jos-East Federal Constituency at the House of Representatives. He later stepped down from the race. Reports indicated that his friends and associates purchased the expression of interest and nomination forms for him, calling on him to continue his father’s legacy.
Audu lives on in Kogi
In Kogi State, the late Abubakar Audu, former governor of the state, has his name entrenched in the state’s politics. In the run-up to the governorship election in 2019, three members of his family, comprising two sons, Mohammed and Mona, and his younger brother, Yahaya, indicated interest in the APC ticket. However, they were all disqualified by the party and could not realise their ambitions. In the current political season, Yahaya, who is the immediate younger brother of the late Audu, joined the race for the Kogi East Senatorial District, while Mona joined the race for the House of Representatives’ seat.
Adefarati, Akeredolu in Ondo
The governor of Ondo State between 1999 and 2003, late Chief Adebayo Adefarati, passed on years ago, but his son, Adegboyega, is also an active politician in the state. Adegboyega, who was an aspirant in Akoko South-East and West Federal Constituency ahead of the 2015 elections, is currently a commissioner in the state.
Also, the governor of the state, Rotimi Akeredolu, cannot be absolved of this. Akeredolu, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, appointed his son as the Director-General of the state Performance and project Implementation Monitoring Unit. During his campaign for a re-election, the governor promised he didn’t have plans to contest any election after his second term. However, his wife, Betty, joined the Imo East Senatorial race. The governor had in a statement on April 18, 2022, endorsed his wife for the seat, saying he believed in her aspiration to continue to serve the people of her state.
Lagos, the shining example
The Jagaban of Borgu and National Leader of the ruling All Progressives Congress, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, comes to mind when addressing this subject matter. Tinubu, who was the governor of Lagos State between 1999 and 2007, has seen to his wife, Oluremi, becoming a senator since 2011 till date; his daughter, Folashade Tinubu-Ojo, becoming the Iyaloja-General of Nigeria; while her husband, Oyetunde Ojo, served as a member of the House of Representatives, representing Ijero/Efon/Ekiti West Federal Constituency. Tinubu, known as the godfather of Lagos politics, has made sure his family members are not left behind.
Also, the Minister of Information and Tourism, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, who is from Kwara State, has his political roots in Lagos, being a follower of Tinubu. His son, Folajimi Mohammed, has been a member of the state House of Assembly since 2015. He represents Ikeja 1 constituency in the House. He however lost his bid to seek re-election.
The Ogunlewes are also expanding their influence and presence in Lagos politics. A former Minister of Works, Adeseye Ogunlewe, was a senator on the platform of the Alliance for Democracy between 1999 and 2003, before he was named a minister by Obasanjo in 2003. Ogunlewe’s son, Moyo, who lost twice to the APC in his bid to represent Kosofe 1 in the state House of Assembly, is now the chairman of Kosofe Local Government Area, on the platform of the APC.
The Obanikoros is also making efforts to entrench their name in Lagos politics. Senator Musiliu Obanikoro, who has served at both state and federal levels, also has his son, Babajide, in the House of Representatives representing Eti Osa Federal Constituency. He, however, lost his re-election bid to Oyekanmi Elegushi, brother to Oba Saheed Elegushi of Ikateland. Musiliu served as a commissioner before becoming a senator, and was later appointed as Nigeria’s High Commissioner to Ghana before Goodluck Jonathan named him the Minister of State for Defence in 2014.
Bukar Abba Ibrahim’s unrivalled dynasty in Yobe
In Yobe State, the dynasty of former governor and senator, Bukar Abba Ibrahim, is probably second to none. Some would even describe it as a semblance of ‘state capture’ by the family. Ibrahim, who was the governor between 1999 and 2007, had his three wives as cabinet members while in office and after his tenure, he became a senator while one of his wives, Khadija, won a seat at the House of Representatives, where she spent three terms. In 2016, she was appointed the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs by the President, Major General Muhammadu Buhari. Desirous of going back to the lower chamber of the National Assembly, in 2019, she defeated her step son at the primary to go back to the House, a position she occupies till date.
Rochas in Imo
In Imo State, former governor Rochas Okorocha also had such a record when he was governor. His was even a dual approach. As the governor, he first appointed his sister, Ogechi Ololo, as the Commissioner for Happiness and Purpose Fulfillment, a development that aroused public outrage, due to the nomenclature of the portfolio and the seeming nepotism. Again, at the twilight of his tenure, he sought to make his son-in-law, Uche Nwosu, his successor, but he lost the bid. Nwosu, who served as Okorocha’s Chief of Staff, later dumped the APC for Action Alliance to pursue his ambition, but lost the election.
In Kwara, the Sarakis have it
Another classic example of how a family can dominate the politics of a state is found in the Sarakis’ Kwara State, until things began to change in 2019. Their patriarch, late Olusola Saraki, was a member of the constituent assembly that produced the 1979 constitution and he was in the same year elected a senator in the Second Republic. In 1983, he was re-elected a senator. Meanwhile, the late Saraki also positioned his children for top political offices. In 1999, his daughter, Gbemisola, was elected as a member of the House of Representatives, and in 2003, she moved to the Senate, where she spent eight years up till 2011. Interestingly, while she moved to the senate, her brother, Dr Bukola Saraki, was elected the governor of the state between 2003 and 2011. It means Bukola was the governor at the same time Gbemisola was a senator. When Bukola concluded his tenure as the governor, he also moved to the Senate in 2011, the same time their father made very frantic efforts to make sure Gbemi succeeded his brother as the governor. Bukola opposed this, which was said to have been at the root of their rift. Gbemi eventually contested the governorship seat under the ACPN but lost to Bukola’s choice, Abdufatah Ahmed of the PDP. While Bukola lost his re-election bid to the senate in 2019, the Buhari regime appointed Gbemi as the Minister of State for Transportation, where she serves till date. At the moment, Bukola is in the race to clinch the ticket of the PDP for the presidential election.
In death, Abacha not left behind
Late military dictator, General Sani Abacha, does not need much introduction; even in death, the name resonates with many Nigerians for understandable reasons. However, one of his sons, Muhammad, is in the race to succeed Governor Abdullahi Ganduje of Kano State and has emerged as the PDP candidate for the 2023 governorship election.
Implications of the dominance
Perhaps, there are more examples to illustrate how the Nigerian elite are seeking to perpetuate themselves in office.
Many analysts, academics and a few politicians have argued that the inequality in Nigeria has contributed immensely to the high rate of poverty, unemployment and insecurity in the country.
While the minimum wage is still between N18,000 and N30,000 per month, as some states have yet to pay the new rate, political offices, from being a councillor to the President, are well remunerated, making a mess of what civil servants, teachers, lecturers and judicial workers, including judges, earn.
This disparity has been identified as one of the reasons many politicians have made a career out of political offices, while seeking to entrench their family members as well.
Speaking on the trend, the Chairman of Transition Monitoring Group and Executive Director, Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre, Auwal Musa Rafsajani, told our correspondent in an interview that the political class had been deliberate in excluding average Nigerians from the political process so as to preserve plum positions for themselves and family members.
He cited the exorbitant fees the popular political parties charged for nomination and expression of interest forms as an example of how they exclude people from the contest.
He said, “The outrageous fee for expression of interest and nomination forms is a calculated attempt to deny many potential, competent, qualified, experienced and incorruptible Nigerians from participating in the election into those offices.
“They shortchange Nigerians by preventing many people who are not looters and have no godfathers from participating in the exercise, which should be about service to the people at all levels.
“Having benefited from state resources and having exhausted their term because of the constitutional limitation, it is now a calculated attempt to introduce their wives, brothers, daughters, sons and other family members to live on the system, regardless of whether their decision is against the will of the electorate. That is why they manipulate the process to favour their own people.
“This is absolutely unfair. This is not a monarchical system; it is democracy, which should thrive on fairness and people’s choice. We are not saying their family members do not have constitutional right to contest, but when they are favoured above others, it is unfair and manipulated. It’s not a good development.”
He said political office holders could support anyone they want to, but that people should be allowed to decide who they want. “Everybody should be given equal opportunity on the basis of the aspirant’s popularity and credibility,” he added.
Nigerians docility fuelling trend –Oshoma
Also speaking on the trend, a lawyer and public affairs analyst, Mr Liborous Oshoma, described the practice as hereditary democracy. He said politicians foisting their children and family members on the people only took advantage of people’s docility, leaving the space for them to do as they like.
He stated, “It’s happening because of our docility and lack of participation in elections and electioneering. What is happening is a carry-over of our cultural practices, where we operate the monarchy system of government, which is largely hereditary. So, once you are born into a royal family, you are a royal and you die a royal. It also means that once you find yourself in the political space and you are opportune to occupy that space, after some time, it becomes hereditary, and even sexually transmitted.
“Ibori’s daughter goes to the House of Representatives; Okowa’s daughter goes to the House of Assembly and Uduaghan’s daughter vied for the House of Assembly. Sule Lamido’s son wants to be governor. These people are quick to point Nigerians at the Bush family in the United States, but the difference is the record of service, transparent electoral process and leadership training they go through and the system that does not short-change others or elevate some above others.”
“It is important to know that if we participate robustly in the process, a lot of them wouldn’t even dare. Look at the charade they call primary, where governors are imposing whoever they desire. So, if you can impose people, you can as well impose your children, because the rest of us think politics is dirty and we don’t want to be part of it. This is how they test the water. If they do and they succeed, it becomes an exclusive preserve of the political elite and unless you bear certain names, you shouldn’t bother vying for some of these positions.”
